UNHCR High Commissioner’s statement to the Third Committee of the United Nations General Assembly

Madam Chair,

Distinguished delegates,

We are living through a time of rapid change. A time of promise — only a few weeks ago, the Pact for the Future was adopted here in New York — but also a time of peril. Of great uncertainty.

Uncertainty not about the nature or the scale of the challenges that we face. Those are clear — wars, poverty, epidemics, the threat of unregulated technology, climate change and more — together with unprecedented levels of displacement.

The uncertainty is not even about the solutions to these challenges, many of which are within our means. No, what is at stake is our collective ability to act together. The very idea of multilateralism is under attack. Can we, as the United Nations, still agree enough to make progress, and begin to address the many challenges of our time? While we still have time. The answer to that question will define the years to come.

There are today 123 million displaced people in the world. People who have had to flee violence, persecution and conflict.

Conflicts like the one in Lebanon, where the devastation is catastrophic, and where — like in Gaza — a desperately needed ceasefire does not materialize, and Israeli airstrikes continue. Resulting in huge loss of life. Civilian infrastructure — schools, hospitals, roads — destroyed. The humanitarian consequences are overwhelming, and require urgent international support. And yet the appeals for Lebanon and Syria remain critically underfunded. Hundreds of thousands of people have been displaced. A vast majority of them Lebanese, but also many Syrians — as you know Lebanon has hosted Syrian refugees for more than a decade. People who fled a war and now find themselves having to flee another. In the weeks since the beginning of the conflict in Lebanon, 470,000 people — 30% of them Lebanese and 70% Syrians — have crossed into Syria. If they can even manage to cross, considering the roads leading to the borders have also been bombed.

Syria is a country which has not yet recovered from years of war, of divisions, of sanctions. A country where, indeed, we will continue to work with the Government of Syria to ensure the safety and security of all those arriving, not only at border points, but also in the communities where people eventually return. UNHCR will continue to play its monitoring role in this respect, as discussed with the government during my recent visit.

But let us remember that most Syrians already faced extraordinary hardship prior to this crisis, struggling for dignity in their homes and communities. And yet they have opened their homes to receive new arrivals, Syrian returnees and Lebanese refugees alike. They cannot bear that burden alone. They need our support — not only humanitarian aid but also help with early recovery, as stipulated in various Security Council resolutions.

As do the Sudanese people, as long as there — too — peace negotiations are not embraced seriously. Conditions in Sudan defy description — wanton violence, sexual atrocities, starvation, floods, disease. We are witnessing in real time the collapse of a nation’s social infrastructure; health systems decimated, no education, and a crippled civil administration. More than 11 million Sudanese have been displaced since the start of the war 18 months ago. Three million have now left the country. In the last month alone, 60,000 new refugees arrived in Chad, adding to those already hosted there, in Egypt, the Central African Republic, Ethiopia, South Sudan, Uganda and Libya. The list of countries hosting Sudanese refugees keeps growing, and will continue to grow unless we are able to bring — urgently — some relief to those who have been forced to flee, and to those who welcome them. For they all navigate the same fragility. The same uncertainties.

Madam Chair,

We can be certain of one thing: left unresolved, as we observe in the Middle East, these conflicts will continue to spread uncontrollably, with unforeseen consequences for all. Left to their own devices, refugees and others will move onward to find safety.

In recent years — as climate change and economic hardship combine with conflict and persecution to push people to flee — we have seen refugees and migrants move together, along the same routes, in what we call ‘mixed flows’. Addressing these movements has become a particularly vexing problem for states along the displacement routes, leading many governments to try to stop the flow of people by imposing ever-more restrictive measures that focus on controls. And sometimes measures to outsource, externalize or suspend asylum, that are not only ineffective, but that also breach their international legal obligations.

A more effective approach lies in looking beyond your borders — which are too often the exclusive focus. Look at entire displacement routes instead. Look for opportunities in countries of origin, for instance by strengthening the resilience of communities at risk of climate displacement. Look for opportunities to expand legal stay and regularization programmes in countries of asylum or transit, creating access to services and to employment, as we have done in Mexico, for example. Establish more pathways so people can move legally, and safely, from one country to another. And when refugees and migrants do reach your borders, we will support you in developing lawful responses that meet the challenges of mixed movements. These include efficient asylum procedures that can quickly and fairly identify those in need of international protection, and that provide for returning people to their country — safely, and in dignity — when they are found not to be in need of such protection.

But please, Madam Chair,

Let us not be deceived by the illusion that crises can be contained or isolated. I warned the Security Council of this again in May.

Look no further than Afghanistan, a country that has grappled with conflict and instability for over 40 years, and whose people have repeatedly been displaced, many of them as refugees in Pakistan and Iran countries which I wish to thank for their generous, long-standing support. But the truth is that the impact of instability in Afghanistan — in terms of refugee movements – is felt much further, on routes towards Europe, and as far away as Southeast Asia and even Latin America.

The same is true of the impact of the war in Ukraine. A war that has not only displaced millions towards European countries, but that has also contributed to food insecurity in Africa, and beyond.

And unresolved, interrelated conflicts in the East of the Democratic Republic of Congo continue to cause both displacement and instability — often related to each other — throughout the Great Lakes region of Africa.

The point being: we all have a stake in peace, and in responding to displacement together. Building walls and stopping boats does not work. Uncoordinated responses do not work. They only serve to further fuel division and distrust, pitting country against country, and people against people.

Madam Chair,

In the same vein, we also cannot afford for humanitarian action to become fragmented, or politicized, which, regrettably, we have started to observe. UNHCR is a non-political, humanitarian agency, and has a responsibility — that you have entrusted us with — to stand side by side with refugees wherever they are. We will not abandon displaced people because we disagree with their leaders. The reason we are able to operate in over 580 locations around the world is precisely because of the non-political nature of our mandate. It is critical that it is maintained, and even reinforced, so that we can remain effective.

And for that, we need your continued support, including in this committee. As we navigate a world of discord and division, it is more critical than ever for the General Assembly to lead by example by fully living up to our common values of impartiality, neutrality and humanity.

And it repeatedly has, Madam Chair,

For example when affirming the Global Compact on Refugees in 2018, but also subsequently in two Global Refugee Fora. The second Global Refugee Forum, held last December in Geneva, was an uplifting moment of unity, an opportunity to reassert our collective commitment to responsibility-sharing, as demonstrated by the more than 2,000 pledges that were made — many of which are already having a real impact on displaced people. The Global Refugee Forum left no doubt that the right vision of solidarity can help us transcend our divisions.

Solidarity with refugees first and foremost, but solidarity also with those countries that host large numbers of refugees. Countries like Bangladesh, Ethiopia, Jordan, Türkiye, Colombia and so many others that cannot be left to shoulder the responsibility alone. They count on your continued support, including on your financial support.

Unfortunately, over the last few years, humanitarian funding has become increasingly unpredictable. We fully appreciate the many competing priorities, both domestic and foreign, that continue to stretch the budgets of donor countries. UNHCR, along with the entire humanitarian sector, went through a very difficult period financially in the last 12 months, following swells of support related to COVID, and emergency situations like Afghanistan and Ukraine. The subsequent drop in funding forced us to take measures to contain our expenditures, which led to a reduction of 1,000 positions. It also forced to freeze critical life-saving activities in our operations. And while our financial situation for 2024 subsequently improved — thanks in particular to the United States as well as our other top donors — funding levels for 2025 and beyond remain uncertain, further jeopardizing our and host countries’ ability to respond to refugee and displacement crises in a predictable and flexible manner. Especially when most of the funding that we receive is earmarked, which prevents us from allocating resources where they are needed the most.

This “financial scare” also accelerated a strategic realignment process that had been underway – to prioritize more efficiently, and to start consolidating the gains from what has arguably been the farthest-reaching reform in our history. But efficiency gains – while necessary – cannot alone account for the recurrent gap between overall needs and funding available.

Madam Chair,

We must also go beyond realignment and prioritization. In this context of non-stop humanitarian emergencies, of insufficient humanitarian funding, and where displacement is increasingly protracted in time, with host communities increasingly affected, we need to rethink our approaches to refugee displacement, to make them more sustainable. And the path to sustainability lies through greater inclusion of displaced people in the communities that host them — to the extent possible, and until such time when they can return home safely, and in dignity. It means also investing in and strengthening national systems — for example health, education, skills training, employment, banking and so on — so that both host communities and refugees can benefit.

Inclusion certainly does not mean integration. Look at the examples of Uganda or Colombia — generous refugee-hosting countries that have recognized that refugees can be an asset to their economies and to their societies during their displacement. Kenya has come to the same realization, and will soon launch its ‘Shirika’ plan which will bring refugees and their hosts closer, by breaking down parallel systems – and services – that for many years benefited one group to the exclusion of the other, leading to tensions and frustrations for everyone. What all these countries, and more, have concluded is that it is more efficient, and more sustainable, for refugees to be self-reliant, and to be included in national structures, than to be left dependent entirely on humanitarian aid.

This approach has several clear advantages. It benefits more clearly and directly host communities. It draws on the human capital of displaced people. It allows host countries to attract additional development financing, including in remote areas where often refugees are located. It benefits UNHCR, as it allows us to focus on protection and solutions. And it is better for donors, as it can relieve some of the pressure on humanitarian funding.

We obviously recognize that this cannot be a one-size-fits-all approach. Not all displacement situations will be equally conducive. But UNHCR will accompany and support all interested states in moving further down the path of sustainability, by drawing on our partnerships with host governments, development actors, financial institutions, multilateral banks, and the private sector — as well as with organizations led by refugees, women, and by other relevant members of local communities.

Madam Chair,

Even as we work to make the responses to displacement more sustainable, we cannot lose sight of the need to find solutions for displaced and for stateless people alike.

We are proud of the immense progress that has been achieved in addressing statelessness over the last decade, in the context of the #IBelong campaign. Countries such as Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan, Thailand and others have made remarkable strides in addressing or even fully eliminating statelessness. The Global Alliance to End Statelessness, which was launched just last month, will build on the momentum of the last 10 years. Because statelessness is solvable.

And while solutions for displaced people continue to remain elusive, we cannot lose hope. To find solutions while people are still displaced internally in their countries and areas of origin – UNHCR works closely with the Secretary-General’s Special Adviser on Solutions Robert Piper on the next steps of the solutions agenda for IDPs.

And of course to find solutions once they have become refugees. Including through resettlement and complementary pathways. Resettlement, even if never sufficient to meet needs which are enormous, remains an essential tool for protecting the most vulnerable refugees. Resettlement, and other complementary pathways, will also send a strong signal of solidarity with countries hosting large refugee populations.

But ultimately, the most durable solution is the return of displaced populations to their homes. Because most refugees want to go home – voluntarily and in dignity. UNHCR will always inform them and share its own views on conditions in their countries of origin, but the decision to return lies with displaced people themselves. That does not mean that the situation in countries of origin will always be suitable for large-scale returns. But it does point to the need for flexibility, and support, when refugees decide to return — voluntarily — even in imperfect conditions.

Madam Chair,

In closing, allow me to thank all of you for the support you continue to provide UNHCR, and especially for your solidarity with all refugees, displaced and stateless people. Times are indeed uncertain, and the challenges ahead are many. But we must be able to act — together — even in difficult times. UNHCR will not be deterred. We will not tire. The people we serve count on us, and we count on you.

Thank you.